For a household with three working members, the house is most active during early mornings and late nights, when daily routines overlap and shared spaces are in constant use. Afternoons and early evenings remain largely dormant, with minimal movement due to the absence of occupants. Movement patterns within the house vary based on gender, time of day, and nature of activities, and on a broader scale, shift with seasonal and annual cycles.
Occupancy increases significantly during festivals such as Ganpati, when the house temporarily accommodates more people. During these periods, movement becomes rapid, dense, and varied, with spaces adapting to collective rituals, social gatherings, and extended activities over the two-day celebration.
In a household consisting of two women and one man, there is no hierarchical dominance based on gender or age in decision-making. Similarly, there are no restrictions on movement when domestic workers or relatives occupy the house. Spatial use remains non-prescriptive, with a fluid layout where each room is multipurpose, allowing spaces to adapt organically to changing users, activities, and intensities over time.
In contrast to orthodox notions of spatial occupation during menstruation; practices that are still prevalent in my grandparents’ house and among family members living in our village, there are no restrictions on entering spaces such as the kitchen or the devghar in our household.
DAILY ACTIVITIES
Weekday mornings are active and fast-paced, as all members follow fixed schedules. Unlike the stereotypical Maharashtrian household, where the male often occupies most domestic spaces while getting ready and the female remains confined to the kitchen; in our house, the male slightly contributes to kitchen activities during the morning hours.
Post morning, the house remains largely dormant through the afternoon due to the absence of occupants. Evenings activate the house again, though in a more fragmented manner: the bedrooms are occupied by my parents for work and entertainment, while the kitchen is primarily occupied by me.
On weekends, the spatial pattern shifts significantly. Bedrooms become shared zones for work and leisure, while the kitchen sees varied occupancy; most notably, mornings when my father primarily occupies the kitchen.
Interestingly, the hall remains the least-used yet most social space in the house. It is largely activated only during gatherings, festivals, or collective events, highlighting its role as an occasional but important communal space rather than a daily-use area.
MOVEMENT WHEN WORKERS OCCUPY THE HOUSE
When workers are present, the hall and washrooms become their primary zones for work, rest, and storage of belongings. During this time, the kitchen remains mostly unoccupied, except for brief use for preparing tea and snacks for both residents and workers.
The household members retreat largely into the bedrooms, which temporarily function as the only private spaces; spaces that, under normal circumstances, would extend across the entire house.
This shift highlights how privacy, access, and spatial hierarchy within the house remain flexible and responsive to changing occupancy conditions.
As for gendered occupancy during such times, responsibility for invigilation is often shared among all members. However, my father most frequently occupies the hall, positioning himself in the semi-public zone of the house, while the rest of the household continues to move fluidly between spaces.
DURING GATHERINGS AND FESTIVALS
During gatherings, the hall becomes the central space where everyone congregates. Adjacent to it, the kitchen with no doors remains visually and functionally connected, allowing conversations to flow seamlessly between those seated and those working inside. In general, all three members equally take charge of the kitchen when required.
However, during Ganpati, a more distinct pattern emerges. The kitchen is primarily occupied by my mother and aunt, while my father and I largely manage interactions with guests. Whenever my mother is required to engage with visitors, the kitchen responsibilities shift fluidly between my father and me, reinforcing the adaptable and non-hierarchical nature of spatial roles.
HOW WOULD I REDESIGN THIS SPACE
My mother, an interior designer, carefully considered zoning, layout, spatial relationships, and circulation while designing this house. As a result, I do not feel the need to significantly redesign or alter the space. Every modification was deliberate, ensuring that each area serves its intended purpose while remaining flexible in use.
The house follows a square layout rather than a linear or rectangular one, which often introduces spatial hierarchies and restrictions; particularly in terms of privacy and movement. In this case, such limitations are eliminated. The layout allows equal access to spaces, minimizes imposed boundaries, and supports fluid movement throughout the house. Each individual retains personal space while also having the freedom to occupy and adapt the house according to their needs, reinforcing the democratic nature of the domestic environment.
IN CONCLUSION
This largely summarizes how spaces are used within our household. The structure of our family plays a significant role in shaping everyday living patterns and spatial occupation. In comparison to other members of our extended family, gender does not play a defining role in how spaces are used within our home. There is no hierarchy and no fixed association of chores or spaces with gender, allowing the house to function as a fluid and democratic domestic environment.